【精品文档】14中英文双语外文文献翻译成品：菲律宾家政佣工及其能力开发

此文档是毕业设计外文翻译成品（ 含英文原文+中文翻译），无需调整复杂的格式！下载之后直接可用，方便快捷！本文价格不贵,也就几十块钱！一辈子也就一次的事！外文标题：Filipino Domestic Workers and Their Capacity Development外文作者：Jennifer Loh and Alicia F.Estrellado文献出处：Journal of Humanistic Psychology,2018,1-18(如觉得年份太老，可改为近2年，毕竟很多毕业生都这样做)英文2857单词，15897字符(字符就是印刷符)，中文4268汉字。Filipino Domestic Workers and Their Capacity Development AbstractThis study explored the day-to-day experiences of female Filipino domestic workers in Singapore, including their working conditions, employee employer relationships, and psychological health. In-depth interviews were conducted with 18 women. Using grounded theory, the emergent themes revealed high levels of variation, both within and between women, suggesting that the quality of domestic workers lives depends largely on the personal characteristics of their employers or the workers themselves, rather than on any system of protection. More importantly, participants displayed positive and resilient coping strategies which enabled them to thrive despite restrictive circumstances. Implications pertaining to capabilities and empowerment development were discussed. Keywords domestic workers, health, work conditions, capability development, empowermentBetween 1979 and 2009, about 30 million Filipinos left the Philippines to work as overseas domestic workers (Philippines Overseas Employment Administration) and this figure is still on the increase. Of the 30 million, over half of the Filipinos were women who work as migrant domestic workers in economically more developed South East Asia countries such as Singapore. Singapore is one of the top hiring countries, with one in five households hir- ing a live-in migrant domestic worker (Ministry of Manpower, 2013). Singapore is a popular destination for many Filipino domestic workers because of its proximity to the Philippines, the high monetary exchange return for their labor and the active recruitment efforts of many recruitment agencies, both in the Philippines and in Singapore. Conversely, many Filipino domestic workers are preferred by Singaporeans because of their ability to converse in English.Despite this, many of these workers have their labor rights exploited (Humanitarian Organization for Migration Economics). For instance, over- seas domestic workers are excluded from the Employment Act and Workmens Compensation Act in Singapore. This means that domestic workers are at the mercy of either their employees or the hiring agencies (Ramirez-Machado, 2003). Consequently, social isolation, poor working conditions, prolonged confinement, physical and mental abuses also contribute to high levels of psychological distress, and even suicide among domestic workers (Lau, Cheng, Chow, Ungvari, & Leung, 2009). ResultsHigh Unemployment in Home CountryThe majority of Filipino workers in our study cited high unemployment back in the Philippines as one of their reasons to migrate to work in Singapore as domestic workers. The following excerpts provide an explanation as to why so many Filipino women search for work outside of their home country. For example, Participant F1 left to work in Singapore because there was high unemployment in the Philippines. Similarly, Participant F5 stated that there was no work in the Philippines so she left to work in Singapore where the salary was good. Her main reason for doing this was to support her family back in the Philippines. There is very high unemployment in the Philippines and many women, like myself cannot find jobs that pay well back home. I was given the opportunity to go to work in Singapore, so I took it because the pay is better. (F1, 30 years, Married) There is no work in the Philippines and our economy is bad. I have friends in Singapore that tells me Singapore is a good place to work to get good moneyRegimented Domestic Tasks. All the workers interviewed were responsible for household chores such as cleaning, grocery shopping, cooking, laundry, and ironing. In addition to household chores, many of the women were also involved in child care. Seventeen of the 18 women reported that they were responsible for both household chores and child care. This is evidenced from the experiences of Participant F2 and Participant F15 where they had to fol- low a strict routine to their daily work tasks. I take care of the 11 years old kid. After he has eaten his breakfast, the school bus picks him up. I can do some cleaning around the house. (F2, 39 years, Separated) I wake up about 6 in the morning and then I wake the boy up, change him and bath him. I then start to clean the house around 7 oclock . . . I look after the household chores and the children. (F15, 32 years, Married) This finding is consistent with migrant workers research which found that domestic workers generally attend to both household chores and child care duties (Anderson, 2000; Ehrenreich & Hochschild, 2002; Moya, 2007;Parreas, 2001). Strict Household Rules and Discipline. In addition, many of the women worked in households that had very strict rules and discipline. The following excerpts described the experiences of Participant F11 and Participant F12 where their movement and behaviors were controlled by their employers. My employer was very strict and he does not allow me to talk to anyone. I cannot go out except when I walk the dog. I also have a curfew at 6:30pm. (F11, 36 years, Married) My employer would criticize me about how I do everything. She is extra strict about how I look after the baby. (F12, 28 years, Single) Maintaining strict household rules and regulations enables employers to control their paid laborers. It also functions to maintain the power and social status position of the employers (Nre, 2013). In doing so, it restricts the abil- ity for these workers to engage in productive thoughts, recreational, and/or educational activities (Nussbaum, 2006). Other researchers have argued that domestic service is not a specified job, but a “type of relationship that exists between people of very different social class, geographical origin, training, income, duties, sex, age, marital and legal status” (Sarti, 2005, p. 408). Low Wage and Poor Working Conditions. Female domestic workers are paid low wages and have to endure poor working conditions. For instance, the women we interviewed earned an average of SNG$465 (approximately US$325) per month. More crucially, poor working conditions in the forms of long hours of work, inadequate rest, poorly defined off day, and low pay with few work benefits are often encountered by these workers (Lan, 2006, 2010). One wid- owed domestic workers stated that, “I wake up about 6 in the morning . . . and I work until 9pm at night. I dont even have time to eat lunch sometimes.” Another worker stated that she has to work on Sundays even when it is her day off, “Even when it is my day off on Sunday, I have to pre-prepare the food before I go out. So, all day Saturday and Sunday morning, I will spend my time cooking.” Our findings support the findings that domestic workers have very little rest and this is problematic when you consider that there is no official law in some countries which stipulate an official rest day for domestic workers. Domestic workers in Singapore, Malaysia, and Taiwan, for exam- ple, are excluded from many of the formal Labour Standards Law and legisla- tions (ILO, 2013). Consequently, there is really no formal work or rest hours for many of these domestic workers. Such legal exclusion reflects a state operated ideology about the feminized and privatized nature of domestic work where overseas domestic workers are not seen as worker but as “an appendage of the household” (Huang & Yeoh, 2003; Lan, 2006, 2010). Regardless of the manner in which domestic workers are regulated by national laws, “standards on domestic work still fall below the labour standards set for other category of workers” (Ramirez-Machado, 2003, p. 64). Mistreatment. Unlike findings from other domestic workers experiences of mistreatment in the form of sexual abuse or physical abuse (ILO, 2013), the majority of women in our study reported mainly verbal/psychological abuses. The following two excerpts provided a description of this: My employer is always scolding me. . . . She says, “All Filipinos are arrogant ad you are a stupid person.” (F14, 26 years, Single)The verbal and psychological abuses expressed above obviously belittled and/or intimidated Filipino domestic workers and adversely affected the psy- chological health of domestic workers (Human Rights Watch, 2005, 2011). At the capability development level, verbal and psychological abuse work to deprive an individual of his or her basic human rights to be treated kindly and humanely (Nussbaum, 2006). Poor Health. Finally, a number of workers reported signs of physical and emotional health problem which is consistent with the experiences of many other domestic workers (Lau, Cheng, Chow, Ungvari, & Leung, 2009). One participant spoke of a sense of hopelessness and sadness she felt while work- ing in Singapore, “I fainted in the toilet and had to be rushed to the hospital. I felt so helpless and sad. There was nothing I could do because she the employer kept my passport.” Another participant described how despair, lonely, and homesick she is feeling, “I am so lonely and homesick . . . I find myself crying a lot these days.” Capability DevelopmentDespite the challenges faced by each and every one of these women, the majority of them were resistant and were found to have adopted a number of strategies to help them cope with these challenges. The operative word here is that they tried. In other words, given the limited freedom they had as domestic workers and the lack of labor protection in Singapore, many of these women used strategies they considered effective to help achieve the functioning or end goal they valued (e.g., earn more money, gain emotional support by bond- ing with employers or employers children, etc.). The following excerpts pro- vide a description of some of these capability development strategies External Network. Despite restricted mobility experienced by a few of the women (e.g., F11, F17, and F18), the majority of the women we interviewed were able to establish external relationships, outside of the household they worked for. The ability to have mobility and to form social interaction with others is an important human capability (Nussbaum, 2006). The following quotes exemplified this: I have a very good employer. I can go out after I have finished my work. (F1, 30 years, Married) My employers trust me with my friends and they are open-minded about my boyfriend. He is free to come and go. (F5, 39 years, Single) Coping StrategiesThe majority of the women we interviewed adopted a combination of differ- ent coping strategies to deal with stressful situations. For example, Participant F2 used Yoga to keep herself calm, while Participant F4 reminded herself to be self-disciplined and not to hold a grudge against her offender. Other work- ers adopted more passive-aggressive forms of behaviors or attitudes in deal- ing with difficult employers. For example, instead of lashing out at their employers, Participants F1, F2, and F7 utilized hostile attitudes, silent treat- ment, and self-pity to deal with their stressful situations:Sometimes, I just go to my room and think over and over again. I do Yoga to keep my mind peaceful so that I can cope and deal with problems effectively. (F2, 43 years, Separated). I am not the type of person to hold a grudge and I will say sorry, if I am wrong. I think I am a good person. (F4, 28 years, Single) Dont come to Singapore to work as domestic maids because you will get mistreated . . . just be careful about the employer because some employer can be good but many Singaporean employers are not good. (F1, 34 years, Single) She the employer accidentally dropped the eggs and she put the blame on me. . . I was so mad I did not help her with the grocery, I just went to my room and slammed the door. (F2, 43 years, Separated) Financial Rewards to Support Family.I need to earn money for my children, I have to support them. Now, my children are in university and sending them to university costs a lot of money. (F8, 44 years, Widowed) I tried to work hard so that I can let my children get educated and find good jobs. Thats all. (F6, 40 years, Married)Our findings support previous research in this area which found that domestic workers made the sacrifice to work overseas because they wanted a better future for their children and themselves despite encountering difficul- ties in their profession (Parreas, 2005; Reyes, 2008). ConclusionIn this study, the capability development approach provides an alternate explanation for the day-to-day experiences of Filipino domestic workers in Singapore. 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